Positioning the AU

　　Octo ber marked a year in office for NkosazanaDlamini-Zuma as chairperson of the African UnionCommission (AUC). While her election in July 2012 wasa source of division among African Union (AU) memberstates， her reputation as a capable leader signaled anew dawn for the AU. South Africa， which sponsoredher candidacy to the chagrin of key regional powers，used her competencies to articulate implicit weaknessesin the AUC， while mobilizing for high expectationsregarding the future of the AU.

　　However， just like her contested entry as chairperson，her first year in office has yielded mixed results，with the AU still unable to turn into an effectivecontinental and global actor. Granted， a year is hardlya sufficient timeframe to make a judgment on hercontribution to regional integration. Nonetheless， giventhat she has a four-year term at the helm of the AUC， itis opportune to assess her progress so far.

　　Astute management

　　Under Dlamini-Zuma， the AU celebrated its goldenjubilee at an extraordinary summit in May 2013， underthe theme of Pan-Africanism and African Renaissance.

　　Notwithstanding a few technical and administrativehiccups， the commission under her guidance has beencredited with organizing exemplary summits. Eventsstart on time with better agenda management forleaders who in the past spoke far beyond allocatedtime limits. She has also been gracious enough to highlightshortcomings when things did not go smoothly.

　　The method and style of Dlamini-Zuma， and her insistenceon efficient use of scarce resources， includingbetter interdepartmental cooperation and coordination，seem to have created a new sense of purposewithin the commission. Officials have adapted to hermethod and have supposedly bought into the administrativestrategy and vision she has set for the AUC.

　　More importantly， the AU launched， under herwatch， a bolder and more ambitious discussion for thenext 50 years. Continental consultations with variousstakeholders have started， and a website dedicatedentirely to this exercise was launched on September 3，2013. It is expected that the conclusive Agenda 2063document will be considered by the AU policy organsin January 2014， with a final presentation envisaged forJune 2014.

　　Dlamini-Zuma has also dealt deftly with the potentiallycontentious item on international jurisdiction，justice and the International Criminal Court， whichtriggered the Extraordinary Assembly on October 12this year. An African withdrawal from the Rome Statutehas been averted for the moment. These are skillfuland laudable initiatives， which are instilling a new senseof urgency and attention to potentially divisive issuesin continental governance.

　　With the backing of Pretoria， and as a formerforeign minister of the most powerful economy on thecontinent， South Africa， she has been able to profilethe AU as a better and more visible diplomatic actor ininternational affairs.

　　Dealing with challenges

　　Notwithstanding a higher profile for the AU and thestrengthening of the AUC’s institutional mechanisms，Dlamini-Zuma’s year in office has been marked bycertain old and new challenges.

　　First， while Dlamini-Zuma vowed in her acceptancespeech in 2012 that the AU would prioritize theconflict in Mali and in the Sahel， the AU was completelyout of its depth in that region. With the AU unable totake rapid action that would have rendered Frenchintervention in Mali possibly irrelevant， the limits of“African solutions to African problems” became morepronounced.

　　Second， a coup d’état in the Central African Republictook place in April 2013， for which the AU couldnot provide substantive solutions， with instability stillplaguing that country. While Dlamini-Zuma has workedhard to put in place a continental peacekeeping forcein that country， France has indicated that it wouldstrengthen its presence there. The legitimization ofMichel Djotodia as interim head of state by the EconomicCommunity of West African States cast aspersionson the AU’s Article 30， which does not recognizethe unconstitutional overthrow of governments. It isunfortunate that there is not greater internal cohesionon matters of principle between Africa’s various regionalinstitutions – this has been an enduring concernfor successive AUC chairs.

　　Third， how she deals with the ICC (InternationalCriminal Court) question and the potential withdrawalof certain African countries from the Rome Statuteremains a huge challenge.

　　Fourth， Dlamini-Zuma is widely credited withhaving turned the commission into a much more efficientbody， able to respond to some of the pressingchallenges facing the continent. However， her seniorappointments， consisting mainly of South Africandiplomats on secondment from South Africa’s Departmentof International Relations and Cooperation， seemto have created tensions within the higher echelonsof the commission. To compound the unease withinthe AUC， their powers and fields of action seem to beextensive to the point where they interfere with thework of AU commissioners who serve at the behest ofmember states.

　　Fifth， Dlamini-Zuma is still a member of the NationalExecutive Committee of the ruling African NationalCongress in South Africa. Her continued involvementin national politics does not only result in regular visitsto South Africa， which some may see as detracting herfrom AU activities， but it also raises questions abouther longer-term appetite for the continental body inAddis Ababa. Dlamini-Zuma will certainly have to workhard to instill confidence in the capacity and abilityof the AU to become a credible political actor on thecontinent， regardless of the nature of the crisis or challenge.

　　Africa continues to face immense challenges，including structural underdevelopment and dependency，huge backlogs in infrastructure， lack of basicservices and human resource development and theneed to build people-centered， inclusive and developmentalpublic institutions.

　　Regional economic communities are importantbuilding blocks in dealing with these challenges.However， they operate to varying degrees of efficiencyand have not been given solid institutional recognitionat the AUC， functioning merely as liaison officesto the AU. Worse， they are understaffed and this begsthe question as to whether they can serve as effectiveplatforms for regional policy-entrepreneurship andcoordination at the commission.

　　The AU has the necessary continental frameworks，policies and strategies in virtually every area of criticalimportance to African development. Dlamini-Zuma didnot start on a clean slate with the organization， drawingon lessons from 50 years of experience. However，states in Africa are still weak and state-centric impulsesdrive development. It therefore remains to be seen ifDlamini-Zuma can help position the African Union asthe platform of choice to drive developmental processeson the continent.

　　As noted earlier， a year in office is not enough timeto make an assessment. However， it should serve as amoment for reflection and an opportunity to changedirection or adapt where necessary. Going forward，navigating through the myriad challenges deftly andcompetently and the ability to bring on board key constituenciesof the AU will determine whether Dlamini-Zuma will succeed during the remainder of her tenureas chairperson of the commission.

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